Rutelli, "New Polo can become the first"
Our real area of \u200b\u200bgrowth lies in the 40 percent or more of Italians who do not go to the polls today say they are discouraged or.
Saturday, February 26, 2011
Mens Health Hydroxycut Ads
Rutelli," New Polo can become the first "
Rutelli, "New Polo can become the first"
Our real area of \u200b\u200bgrowth lies in the 40 percent or more of Italians who do not go to the polls today say they are discouraged or.
Rutelli, "New Polo can become the first"
Our real area of \u200b\u200bgrowth lies in the 40 percent or more of Italians who do not go to the polls today say they are discouraged or.
Thursday, February 24, 2011
Suctioning Baby Phlem In Throat
Government, tobacco:" repent or be held Italian Berlusconi "In Italy
Government, tobacco: "repent or be held Italian Berlusconi"
"Berlusconi is the bunga bunga and we will be protagonists of all the Carnivals of the world, not only to Viareggio. But this is the publicity that we seek? ". It was said this morning in Pescara Bruno Tabacci, representing API, speaking of the Italian political situation. "I think Berlusconi - said Tabacci - has done more than its interests and those of the Italians, but if the Italians do not give a sign of repentance if he should take. So, the Italians should reflect. "
According to data provided by tobacco, 45 percent of respondents do not recognize the current political situation and there is appreciation of the New Polo by those who at this time would not go to the polls. You should be able - added tobacco-speaking voters and not to elected. The land to cultivate is that election. " 
Government, tobacco: "repent or be held Italian Berlusconi"
"Berlusconi is the bunga bunga and we will be protagonists of all the Carnivals of the world, not only to Viareggio. But this is the publicity that we seek? ". It was said this morning in Pescara Bruno Tabacci, representing API, speaking of the Italian political situation. "I think Berlusconi - said Tabacci - has done more than its interests and those of the Italians, but if the Italians do not give a sign of repentance if he should take. So, the Italians should reflect. "
According to data provided by tobacco, 45 percent of respondents do not recognize the current political situation and there is appreciation of the New Polo by those who at this time would not go to the polls. You should be able - added tobacco-speaking voters and not to elected. The land to cultivate is that election. "
Saturday, February 19, 2011
Men's Health Hydroxycut Ads
flooded between 255 and 275 billion
Istat: the weight of the underground economy in 2008 was between 16.3% and 17.5% of GDP
Much of the wealth escapes the lens of the Italian Treasury. In 2008 the added value produced in the economy is flooded with a minimum of 255 and a maximum of € 275 billion. The notes to ISTAT, adding that the weight of the underground economy is between 16.3% and 17.5% of GDP (in 2000 was between 18.2 and 19.1%).
VALUE ADDED TAX - Between 2000 and 2008 the amount of undeclared value added registered a decline trend, while showing mixed trends: the share undeclared economic impact on GDP is the highest peak (19.7%) in 2001, then decreased until 2007 (17.2%) and show signs of recovery in 2008 (17.5%). The most important part of the phenomenon of the underground economy "is the underreporting of sales and expanding costs used in the production of income. At sectoral level, the tax and contribution evasion is more prevalent in agriculture and services but is also relevant in the industry. If we consider only the market economy, without considering, that is, the value added of non-market services provided by government, the black economy in 2008 represents 20.6% of GDP, compared with 17.5% calculated for the whole economy. 
Istat: the weight of the underground economy in 2008 was between 16.3% and 17.5% of GDP
Much of the wealth escapes the lens of the Italian Treasury. In 2008 the added value produced in the economy is flooded with a minimum of 255 and a maximum of € 275 billion. The notes to ISTAT, adding that the weight of the underground economy is between 16.3% and 17.5% of GDP (in 2000 was between 18.2 and 19.1%).
VALUE ADDED TAX - Between 2000 and 2008 the amount of undeclared value added registered a decline trend, while showing mixed trends: the share undeclared economic impact on GDP is the highest peak (19.7%) in 2001, then decreased until 2007 (17.2%) and show signs of recovery in 2008 (17.5%). The most important part of the phenomenon of the underground economy "is the underreporting of sales and expanding costs used in the production of income. At sectoral level, the tax and contribution evasion is more prevalent in agriculture and services but is also relevant in the industry. If we consider only the market economy, without considering, that is, the value added of non-market services provided by government, the black economy in 2008 represents 20.6% of GDP, compared with 17.5% calculated for the whole economy.
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The black economy is worth 16-17%
Calculations made by Istat on 2005 data
The black economy in Italy is worth a minimum of 16.1% and a maximum of 17.8% of the economy. These are the figures that were provided to the experts of the Committee on tax reform that deals with 'non-observed economy and financial flows. " The calculations, made by Istat on 2005 data, are the most current and enter in detail with respect to data released last July flooded by sector.
DATA - The record belongs to the sector 'hotels and public exercises ", where the underground economy is around 56.8%, surpassing even domestic workers and carers which stops at 52.9%. Agriculture (31.1%) and trade (21.7%) follow in the ranking of the shadow economy. The table has been drawn up taking account of 'corrections' statistics on revenue, costs of domestic companies, the disguising of production at work is not regular, and independent estimates of supply and demand. Thus it is clear that the submerged on 11 touches in the industrial sector, 7%. For the subsector of the black economy is more evident as construction, which comes to 28.4%, followed by textiles and clothing and footwear which is 13.7%, from food (10.7%). More noticeable is the black economy in the service sector: hotels, bars and after domestic services, There are health and education (36.8%), transport and communications (33.9%), commerce (32.1%), business services (21.5%). The only sector with a submerged under the two figures is the "credit insurance" with 6.4%.
REFORM - will arrive in late April, the results of the four tables of technical work for the development of tax reform. Sled for about a month so the timing of informal work, without setting a precise date, he had always referred to the end of March to the development of the relationship of individual groups and, therefore, to draft a joint document. 
Calculations made by Istat on 2005 data
The black economy in Italy is worth a minimum of 16.1% and a maximum of 17.8% of the economy. These are the figures that were provided to the experts of the Committee on tax reform that deals with 'non-observed economy and financial flows. " The calculations, made by Istat on 2005 data, are the most current and enter in detail with respect to data released last July flooded by sector.
DATA - The record belongs to the sector 'hotels and public exercises ", where the underground economy is around 56.8%, surpassing even domestic workers and carers which stops at 52.9%. Agriculture (31.1%) and trade (21.7%) follow in the ranking of the shadow economy. The table has been drawn up taking account of 'corrections' statistics on revenue, costs of domestic companies, the disguising of production at work is not regular, and independent estimates of supply and demand. Thus it is clear that the submerged on 11 touches in the industrial sector, 7%. For the subsector of the black economy is more evident as construction, which comes to 28.4%, followed by textiles and clothing and footwear which is 13.7%, from food (10.7%). More noticeable is the black economy in the service sector: hotels, bars and after domestic services, There are health and education (36.8%), transport and communications (33.9%), commerce (32.1%), business services (21.5%). The only sector with a submerged under the two figures is the "credit insurance" with 6.4%.
REFORM - will arrive in late April, the results of the four tables of technical work for the development of tax reform. Sled for about a month so the timing of informal work, without setting a precise date, he had always referred to the end of March to the development of the relationship of individual groups and, therefore, to draft a joint document.
Milena Velba In A Wedding Dress
New Complex, Rutelli: "Perspective steadfast. Fli defections do not stop '
New Complex, Rutelli: "Perspective steadfast. Fli defections do not stop '
"The prospect of the new pole is steadfast, because most steadfast is the assumption that politics is behind the project: the evident failure of bipolarity. So do not be an elected official more or less to change this scenario. " Spills from "Freedom and the Future" does not care about Francesco Rutelli but recognizes the need for the person who has associated UDC, API, and Fli will soon set up a body for coordination, but does not consider it essential to decide now what could be the leader the third pole. "If to be voted in a month - noted the president of the APA - to choose the leader of the alliance could be a problem. Since I do not think we are in these conditions, we can give a few more months. Rather it seems to me a priority the need to create a policy coordination, "even for a coherent and rational activity in Parliament. API will grow even further, he assured. "In the coming days - Rutelli concluded - we will have new members, the goal is to make an autonomous group in the Senate." 
New Complex, Rutelli: "Perspective steadfast. Fli defections do not stop '
"The prospect of the new pole is steadfast, because most steadfast is the assumption that politics is behind the project: the evident failure of bipolarity. So do not be an elected official more or less to change this scenario. " Spills from "Freedom and the Future" does not care about Francesco Rutelli but recognizes the need for the person who has associated UDC, API, and Fli will soon set up a body for coordination, but does not consider it essential to decide now what could be the leader the third pole. "If to be voted in a month - noted the president of the APA - to choose the leader of the alliance could be a problem. Since I do not think we are in these conditions, we can give a few more months. Rather it seems to me a priority the need to create a policy coordination, "even for a coherent and rational activity in Parliament. API will grow even further, he assured. "In the coming days - Rutelli concluded - we will have new members, the goal is to make an autonomous group in the Senate."
Plus Sizewide Leg Jeans
Tobacco: "Yes to the proposal on leadership Follini Mountains'
Tobacco: "Yes to the proposal on leadership Follini Mountains' 
Tobacco: "Yes to the proposal on leadership Follini Mountains'
Friday, February 18, 2011
Thursday, February 17, 2011
Tuesday, February 15, 2011
Names Of Forceps Used In Dentistry
But Berlusconi's Italy is really? THE
in Italian politics since he entered Silvio Berlusconi, that since 1994, the left-wing culture has developed its own unique story of Italy. According to this narrative would be left to voters, "the better part of the country", while the party that chooses the center would be the worst part, clearly the majority.
The theory of the two immediately clicked Italie, in 1994, when the "joyous war machine" of Occhetto baby was unexpectedly defeated by Silvio Berlusconi's party.
And then took root, constructing a narrative piece by piece of national history at the center of which is the idea of \u200b\u200ba true anthropological mutation of the Italians, led astray from the 80's by consumerism and the commercial television. The narration, in 2001, will include a major new piece, with Umberto Eco's theory that the center-right voters fall into two categories: Motivated Electorate, who vote according to their own selfish interests and their prejudices against foreigners and south, and the Electoral Fascinated, "which he established his own system of values \u200b\u200beducation imparted by creeping decades on television, not only by those of Berlusconi." Two electorates which would not even talk sense, given that no one informed by reading the serious newspapers and "going by train buys a magazine either right or left provided that there is a seat cover."
Seen from this perspective, the victory of 1994, as all subsequent ones, would not be a hiccup, but the bitter end process of degeneration of the social fabric of Italy began many years ago. A pattern, that of Italy traviata by consumerism and the media, apparently new but in reality was already thirty years old. Pasolini was in fact, many years ago, to report - but without contempt, and with much greater humanity - the "disappearance of fireflies," image with which he used to describe the dissolution of the humble Italy since the early 60 years, with the extinction of popular culture under the pressure of the well-being and internal migration.
Well, I mean it is half a century that "the left does not like Italians," to quote the title of the essay with which, since 1994, the historian John Belardelli (the magazine "Il Mulino") fixed the syndrome of culture the left, unable to achieve a political reason for their failures, and therefore inclined to portray Italy as a country inhabited by a majority of opportunities, criminals, or sloth. Yet now, perhaps for the first time, something is moving. Something very slowly changing. Not in the high ranks of politics, in answering parties, in the palaces of power, but among ordinary people, and among the youngest in the country's energy. Roberto Saviano, for example, the other day to Palasharp, the demonstration to demand the resignation of the prime minister, felt the need to say "stop feeling a criminal minority in a country, we are a good country for a criminal minority" . If Saviano has felt the need to exhort the people left to "stop believing" to be a minority, it means that that belief is still survives in the minds and hearts: a sort of 'few but good " an angry repetition of the "many enemies, much honor" of Mussolini's memory.
The syndrome of 'minority virtuous' is still deeply rooted in the political culture of the left. But even here, even among professional politicians, something is moving. The alibi dell'indegnità the Italians began to creak. Matteo Renzi, the mayor of Florence, criticized by some 'all his fellow party members (including the young' destruction 'Pippo Civati) met Berlusconi for having contaminated Arcore, responded to his critics more or less like this: if we do not win We can assume that the other half of Italians, those who do not vote, is made up of people stranded, we must respect them and conquer them.
Saviano and Renzi are right. Just as they are right those in the square or not square, never tire of repeating that Italy is not the one that emerges from the feasts of Arcore and interception, or what the cultural left is shown each time the vote punishes progressives. Berlusconi's Italy is not what you think in terms of costume (a recent survey by Mannheimer certify that the dream of a career in show business actually attracts only 1 woman in 100). But it is not even on the level of electoral support. Contrary to what many believe, the Berlusconi - seen as an unconditional trust against Berlusconi - has always been a marginal phenomenon. Without 100, the electorate, the vote to Berlusconi's party has never been more than 20%, and the explicit support to the leader, expressed a preference vote (as the last European), is around 6%. Not to mention the more recent trend, which shows a PDL, which attracts about 18% of the electorate, and a prime minister who gets the sufficiency from less than one in every three.
If this is the fact that the left should make a serious examination of conscience. Who tries to invent another story of the last thirty years. A story with no alibi and self-indulgence, a bit 'more respectful of the Italians and a bit' more abrasive on itself. Because if Italy is not, and never has been, morally degraded the country so often described in these years. If consensus the leader Berlusconi is not never been plebiscite. If his fans have never been so many. If Italians today 2 out of 3 do not give enough to Berlusconi, and just 1 in 20 promotes flying colors. If, despite all that, polls suggest that the citizens' opinion on the opposition is even more negative - much more negative - than the government. Well, if this is true, then it means that the political problems of Italy are not only in the behavior of the premier and his government's shortcomings, but also the difficulty of finding the opposition, finally, an idea, a program and a face that convinced that half of Italy that Berlusconi is not, but for now, does not feel to vote on the left.
Ricolfi LUCA - Press - February 15, 2011 
in Italian politics since he entered Silvio Berlusconi, that since 1994, the left-wing culture has developed its own unique story of Italy. According to this narrative would be left to voters, "the better part of the country", while the party that chooses the center would be the worst part, clearly the majority.
The theory of the two immediately clicked Italie, in 1994, when the "joyous war machine" of Occhetto baby was unexpectedly defeated by Silvio Berlusconi's party.
And then took root, constructing a narrative piece by piece of national history at the center of which is the idea of \u200b\u200ba true anthropological mutation of the Italians, led astray from the 80's by consumerism and the commercial television. The narration, in 2001, will include a major new piece, with Umberto Eco's theory that the center-right voters fall into two categories: Motivated Electorate, who vote according to their own selfish interests and their prejudices against foreigners and south, and the Electoral Fascinated, "which he established his own system of values \u200b\u200beducation imparted by creeping decades on television, not only by those of Berlusconi." Two electorates which would not even talk sense, given that no one informed by reading the serious newspapers and "going by train buys a magazine either right or left provided that there is a seat cover."
Seen from this perspective, the victory of 1994, as all subsequent ones, would not be a hiccup, but the bitter end process of degeneration of the social fabric of Italy began many years ago. A pattern, that of Italy traviata by consumerism and the media, apparently new but in reality was already thirty years old. Pasolini was in fact, many years ago, to report - but without contempt, and with much greater humanity - the "disappearance of fireflies," image with which he used to describe the dissolution of the humble Italy since the early 60 years, with the extinction of popular culture under the pressure of the well-being and internal migration.
Well, I mean it is half a century that "the left does not like Italians," to quote the title of the essay with which, since 1994, the historian John Belardelli (the magazine "Il Mulino") fixed the syndrome of culture the left, unable to achieve a political reason for their failures, and therefore inclined to portray Italy as a country inhabited by a majority of opportunities, criminals, or sloth. Yet now, perhaps for the first time, something is moving. Something very slowly changing. Not in the high ranks of politics, in answering parties, in the palaces of power, but among ordinary people, and among the youngest in the country's energy. Roberto Saviano, for example, the other day to Palasharp, the demonstration to demand the resignation of the prime minister, felt the need to say "stop feeling a criminal minority in a country, we are a good country for a criminal minority" . If Saviano has felt the need to exhort the people left to "stop believing" to be a minority, it means that that belief is still survives in the minds and hearts: a sort of 'few but good " an angry repetition of the "many enemies, much honor" of Mussolini's memory.
The syndrome of 'minority virtuous' is still deeply rooted in the political culture of the left. But even here, even among professional politicians, something is moving. The alibi dell'indegnità the Italians began to creak. Matteo Renzi, the mayor of Florence, criticized by some 'all his fellow party members (including the young' destruction 'Pippo Civati) met Berlusconi for having contaminated Arcore, responded to his critics more or less like this: if we do not win We can assume that the other half of Italians, those who do not vote, is made up of people stranded, we must respect them and conquer them.
Saviano and Renzi are right. Just as they are right those in the square or not square, never tire of repeating that Italy is not the one that emerges from the feasts of Arcore and interception, or what the cultural left is shown each time the vote punishes progressives. Berlusconi's Italy is not what you think in terms of costume (a recent survey by Mannheimer certify that the dream of a career in show business actually attracts only 1 woman in 100). But it is not even on the level of electoral support. Contrary to what many believe, the Berlusconi - seen as an unconditional trust against Berlusconi - has always been a marginal phenomenon. Without 100, the electorate, the vote to Berlusconi's party has never been more than 20%, and the explicit support to the leader, expressed a preference vote (as the last European), is around 6%. Not to mention the more recent trend, which shows a PDL, which attracts about 18% of the electorate, and a prime minister who gets the sufficiency from less than one in every three.
If this is the fact that the left should make a serious examination of conscience. Who tries to invent another story of the last thirty years. A story with no alibi and self-indulgence, a bit 'more respectful of the Italians and a bit' more abrasive on itself. Because if Italy is not, and never has been, morally degraded the country so often described in these years. If consensus the leader Berlusconi is not never been plebiscite. If his fans have never been so many. If Italians today 2 out of 3 do not give enough to Berlusconi, and just 1 in 20 promotes flying colors. If, despite all that, polls suggest that the citizens' opinion on the opposition is even more negative - much more negative - than the government. Well, if this is true, then it means that the political problems of Italy are not only in the behavior of the premier and his government's shortcomings, but also the difficulty of finding the opposition, finally, an idea, a program and a face that convinced that half of Italy that Berlusconi is not, but for now, does not feel to vote on the left.
Ricolfi LUCA - Press - February 15, 2011
Monday, February 14, 2011
Dvds Looking Grainy On Blu Ray
MALFA: GOVERNMENT IS NOT 'IN POSITION TO TAKE MEASURES
The outcome essentially nil Council of Ministers dedicated to the economy of yesterday, today judged unsatisfactory by all the economic and social, business and labor, indicates that the government not 'able to take effective measures to jump-start an economic situation that the government itself and' forced to recognize alarming. Said Giorgio La Malfa, Republican of mixed group. "It 's obvious - continued La Malfa - the contradiction between the effort to involve the political and social forces to boost the economy and the call to arms against all institutions and yesterday' came from the PDL. The persistence of this state of inertia of the government and more and more 'harsh institutional tension will have' adverse effects on Italy. We hope - La Malfa concluded - that there are more members of the majority 'have a sense of responsibility' which determine the conditions for political change in the country. "
ANSA, 10/2/2011 
The outcome essentially nil Council of Ministers dedicated to the economy of yesterday, today judged unsatisfactory by all the economic and social, business and labor, indicates that the government not 'able to take effective measures to jump-start an economic situation that the government itself and' forced to recognize alarming. Said Giorgio La Malfa, Republican of mixed group. "It 's obvious - continued La Malfa - the contradiction between the effort to involve the political and social forces to boost the economy and the call to arms against all institutions and yesterday' came from the PDL. The persistence of this state of inertia of the government and more and more 'harsh institutional tension will have' adverse effects on Italy. We hope - La Malfa concluded - that there are more members of the majority 'have a sense of responsibility' which determine the conditions for political change in the country. "
ANSA, 10/2/2011
Still Sore Week After Extraction
Tobacco: "45% of Italians reject this bipolarity'
"Even the latest polls say that 45% of Italians reject the current political structure, so the feedback for this bi-polarity is negative and the third prong is a growing space." Udine said today in Bruno Tabacci, leader of Alliance for Italy in the House, in his speech to the assembly of the party in Friuli Venezia Giulia. "The new center - added Tobacco - is so called only for personal reasons, because he is younger than the other two in the field who are in crisis. A healthy parliamentary system must be strengthened along the lines of Germany - said - that is the European country that is growing more. " On a possible "Grand Coalition", Tobacco said that it is "for now on the agenda. We are in a stalemate: you can see the weight of an electoral law - he concluded - has no mandate in the Parliament elected by the people but appointed by the nomenclature. " 
"Even the latest polls say that 45% of Italians reject the current political structure, so the feedback for this bi-polarity is negative and the third prong is a growing space." Udine said today in Bruno Tabacci, leader of Alliance for Italy in the House, in his speech to the assembly of the party in Friuli Venezia Giulia. "The new center - added Tobacco - is so called only for personal reasons, because he is younger than the other two in the field who are in crisis. A healthy parliamentary system must be strengthened along the lines of Germany - said - that is the European country that is growing more. " On a possible "Grand Coalition", Tobacco said that it is "for now on the agenda. We are in a stalemate: you can see the weight of an electoral law - he concluded - has no mandate in the Parliament elected by the people but appointed by the nomenclature. "
Wednesday, February 9, 2011
Free Libby Financial Accounting Solutions
Economic Growth, Tobacco," by the CDM more than "shock" tickling "
Economic Growth, Tobacco: "From the CDM more than" shock "tickling" 
Economic Growth, Tobacco: "From the CDM more than" shock "tickling"
Sunday, February 6, 2011
Can You Get Ringworm From A Jacuzzi
real commitment not false promises
The prime minister Silvio Berlusconi, in a letter to the Courier (31 January), has proposed a bipartisan grand plan for growth. " Tuesday, February 8, the Council of Ministers should adopt the plan.
This time, we can not complain about the slowness of Italian politics! In eight days we saw a head of government - as struck on the road to Damascus - is converted to an economic policy very different from the one followed so far, opposition to that, received an unexpected invitation to cooperate, reject it immediately, to a government, without experiencing other attempts, rushes to decide. Decisionism copy? No, rather the sum of a reckless move and not a counter-meditated.
Berlusconi's move is unconventional: not explained why the new line has been embraced now and not in 1994, 2001 or 2008, at the beginning of his three terms, it seems aimed mainly to show a prime minister again concentrate on the real problems of the country and the opposition to blame the responsibility of poor growth and widespread youth unemployment.
The counter-oppositions, in particular the Secretary of the Democratic Party, Pier Luigi Bersani, and that is rebuffed, it is perfectly understandable from a psychological and dignity. But do not go to 'see', not to study the terms of a possible collaboration in the best interests of the country - and made subject to programmatic precise, strong control systems and, above all, an explicit recognition of the shortcomings of Berlusconi economic policy followed so far by his government-is likely to facilitate the discharge of responsibilities.
But what was the proposal of the Prime Minister? "Bring the growth over the three-four per cent in five years," giving "the greatest horse to whip the economy history Italian memories ia ',' economy finally free." The "great plan "would have had the" core constitutional reform of Article 41, which was announced by Minister Tremonti months (in addition to measures of market placement of assets and tax relief for businesses and young people).
is a pity that this plan will see the light so late and with a low credibility. I am not referring to Berlusconi's personal credibility at this stage complex for him, but the specific credibility of his plan. It is inevitable to ask for such reasons as the previous governments and then in the first two and a half years of the current government which he has not fully committed to the liberalization, promoting competition and combating revenue. Above all, this was expected of him - a "disciplined and rigorous liberal" - as was confirmed before the Houses in 1994.
Neither were pressing missed calls, even from these columns, to direct its political leadership of the government - in method and in substance - in the sense which seems to join now, suddenly and without explaining why only now. In the method, in two respects. First, the availability of a bipartisan commitment to reform in order to overcome the resistance corporate ('bipartisan commitment before the election, "Corriere January 3, 2006,' Berlusconi and reform ', 28 January 2007;" bipartisan agenda " February 3, 2008).
This willingness, always denied by the right and left whoever was in government, is now manifested by Berlusconi. Unfortunately, this comes at a time of particular tension between the parties, to which the Prime Minister has certainly not failed to contribute (even if the letter to the Courier calls "a country more stable, less quarrelsome, confident and even self-love and own future. ")
Second, taking a more visible leadership responsibilities in the economic and social policy, without prejudice to the essential functions of the Minister of Economy and Finance. Without coordination under the aegis of the President of Council, it is argued here ("The future of Italy and political leadership," July 25, 2010), it is difficult for policy development receives attention equal to that, which is essential, given the budgetary discipline. With the letter to Corriere - but again, why only now? - Berlusconi appears to become conscious.
the merits, only now there seems to be the realization that growth in Italy is not satisfactory, that this is related to shortcomings in competitiveness and requires structural reforms, including liberalization different (but also, we hope that will not be forgotten, the strengthening independent authority to oversee the market). Until now, as it was found ("The silence on growth," September 4, 2010), the emphasis was not placed on the low growth, partly because it tended to spread a vision of a little 'too' soothing ').
Overall, the above is achieved by a sound economic policy in keeping the public finances but marred by errors in the overall strategy ("How much time we lost," October 31, 2010).
There can not be, apparently, the desired bipartisan approach. However, we hope that the Council of Ministers on Tuesday, when it launched the "great plan for growth," privileges the practical aspects and operational measures, show clearly how they would impact on competitiveness, growth and employment.
is also desirable that the plan does not offend the intelligence of Italians. For example, if you intend to propose amendments to Article. 41 of the Constitution, it matters because it is deemed appropriate, possibly in the context of other changes. But it does not present this as a necessary condition, or nearly so, to introduce liberalization. Other governments have introduced various liberalization despite the currency of that article. Moreover, the present government has denounced the art. 41 as the only obstacle to the liberalization last year, although the Prime Minister and Minister of Economy and Finance has had an opportunity to compete with this issue since 1994.
For consistency, we should also expect that the plan will be presented Tuesday, the government announced that it intends to withdraw its proposal, already approved by the Senate, reintroduction of minimum fees for lawyers. (Would not it be more constructive if the opposition, instead of immediately rejecting the bipartisan dialogue, had indicated this withdrawal as one of the preconditions for a bipartisan working?).
If you want to be serious about liberalization, we also revisit the Constitution, but before you visit Athens. On 21 January, the Papandreou government adopted a reform of what the Greeks call properly "closed professions" and we euphemistically the "liberal professions". The reform is the for all occupations, the minimum rates, the number closed, and the principle of territorial restrictions to compete with advertising. It is left to the professional the opportunity to demonstrate, but having upon himself the burden of proof, that either of these restrictions are necessary to protect public interests, such as integrity in the profession or Consumer Protection.
Mario Monti - Corriere della Sera - February 6, 2011 
The prime minister Silvio Berlusconi, in a letter to the Courier (31 January), has proposed a bipartisan grand plan for growth. " Tuesday, February 8, the Council of Ministers should adopt the plan.
This time, we can not complain about the slowness of Italian politics! In eight days we saw a head of government - as struck on the road to Damascus - is converted to an economic policy very different from the one followed so far, opposition to that, received an unexpected invitation to cooperate, reject it immediately, to a government, without experiencing other attempts, rushes to decide. Decisionism copy? No, rather the sum of a reckless move and not a counter-meditated.
Berlusconi's move is unconventional: not explained why the new line has been embraced now and not in 1994, 2001 or 2008, at the beginning of his three terms, it seems aimed mainly to show a prime minister again concentrate on the real problems of the country and the opposition to blame the responsibility of poor growth and widespread youth unemployment.
The counter-oppositions, in particular the Secretary of the Democratic Party, Pier Luigi Bersani, and that is rebuffed, it is perfectly understandable from a psychological and dignity. But do not go to 'see', not to study the terms of a possible collaboration in the best interests of the country - and made subject to programmatic precise, strong control systems and, above all, an explicit recognition of the shortcomings of Berlusconi economic policy followed so far by his government-is likely to facilitate the discharge of responsibilities.
But what was the proposal of the Prime Minister? "Bring the growth over the three-four per cent in five years," giving "the greatest horse to whip the economy history Italian memories ia ',' economy finally free." The "great plan "would have had the" core constitutional reform of Article 41, which was announced by Minister Tremonti months (in addition to measures of market placement of assets and tax relief for businesses and young people).
is a pity that this plan will see the light so late and with a low credibility. I am not referring to Berlusconi's personal credibility at this stage complex for him, but the specific credibility of his plan. It is inevitable to ask for such reasons as the previous governments and then in the first two and a half years of the current government which he has not fully committed to the liberalization, promoting competition and combating revenue. Above all, this was expected of him - a "disciplined and rigorous liberal" - as was confirmed before the Houses in 1994.
Neither were pressing missed calls, even from these columns, to direct its political leadership of the government - in method and in substance - in the sense which seems to join now, suddenly and without explaining why only now. In the method, in two respects. First, the availability of a bipartisan commitment to reform in order to overcome the resistance corporate ('bipartisan commitment before the election, "Corriere January 3, 2006,' Berlusconi and reform ', 28 January 2007;" bipartisan agenda " February 3, 2008).
This willingness, always denied by the right and left whoever was in government, is now manifested by Berlusconi. Unfortunately, this comes at a time of particular tension between the parties, to which the Prime Minister has certainly not failed to contribute (even if the letter to the Courier calls "a country more stable, less quarrelsome, confident and even self-love and own future. ")
Second, taking a more visible leadership responsibilities in the economic and social policy, without prejudice to the essential functions of the Minister of Economy and Finance. Without coordination under the aegis of the President of Council, it is argued here ("The future of Italy and political leadership," July 25, 2010), it is difficult for policy development receives attention equal to that, which is essential, given the budgetary discipline. With the letter to Corriere - but again, why only now? - Berlusconi appears to become conscious.
the merits, only now there seems to be the realization that growth in Italy is not satisfactory, that this is related to shortcomings in competitiveness and requires structural reforms, including liberalization different (but also, we hope that will not be forgotten, the strengthening independent authority to oversee the market). Until now, as it was found ("The silence on growth," September 4, 2010), the emphasis was not placed on the low growth, partly because it tended to spread a vision of a little 'too' soothing ').
Overall, the above is achieved by a sound economic policy in keeping the public finances but marred by errors in the overall strategy ("How much time we lost," October 31, 2010).
There can not be, apparently, the desired bipartisan approach. However, we hope that the Council of Ministers on Tuesday, when it launched the "great plan for growth," privileges the practical aspects and operational measures, show clearly how they would impact on competitiveness, growth and employment.
is also desirable that the plan does not offend the intelligence of Italians. For example, if you intend to propose amendments to Article. 41 of the Constitution, it matters because it is deemed appropriate, possibly in the context of other changes. But it does not present this as a necessary condition, or nearly so, to introduce liberalization. Other governments have introduced various liberalization despite the currency of that article. Moreover, the present government has denounced the art. 41 as the only obstacle to the liberalization last year, although the Prime Minister and Minister of Economy and Finance has had an opportunity to compete with this issue since 1994.
For consistency, we should also expect that the plan will be presented Tuesday, the government announced that it intends to withdraw its proposal, already approved by the Senate, reintroduction of minimum fees for lawyers. (Would not it be more constructive if the opposition, instead of immediately rejecting the bipartisan dialogue, had indicated this withdrawal as one of the preconditions for a bipartisan working?).
If you want to be serious about liberalization, we also revisit the Constitution, but before you visit Athens. On 21 January, the Papandreou government adopted a reform of what the Greeks call properly "closed professions" and we euphemistically the "liberal professions". The reform is the for all occupations, the minimum rates, the number closed, and the principle of territorial restrictions to compete with advertising. It is left to the professional the opportunity to demonstrate, but having upon himself the burden of proof, that either of these restrictions are necessary to protect public interests, such as integrity in the profession or Consumer Protection.
Mario Monti - Corriere della Sera - February 6, 2011
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