in Italian politics since he entered Silvio Berlusconi, that since 1994, the left-wing culture has developed its own unique story of Italy. According to this narrative would be left to voters, "the better part of the country", while the party that chooses the center would be the worst part, clearly the majority.
The theory of the two immediately clicked Italie, in 1994, when the "joyous war machine" of Occhetto baby was unexpectedly defeated by Silvio Berlusconi's party.
And then took root, constructing a narrative piece by piece of national history at the center of which is the idea of \u200b\u200ba true anthropological mutation of the Italians, led astray from the 80's by consumerism and the commercial television. The narration, in 2001, will include a major new piece, with Umberto Eco's theory that the center-right voters fall into two categories: Motivated Electorate, who vote according to their own selfish interests and their prejudices against foreigners and south, and the Electoral Fascinated, "which he established his own system of values \u200b\u200beducation imparted by creeping decades on television, not only by those of Berlusconi." Two electorates which would not even talk sense, given that no one informed by reading the serious newspapers and "going by train buys a magazine either right or left provided that there is a seat cover."
Seen from this perspective, the victory of 1994, as all subsequent ones, would not be a hiccup, but the bitter end process of degeneration of the social fabric of Italy began many years ago. A pattern, that of Italy traviata by consumerism and the media, apparently new but in reality was already thirty years old. Pasolini was in fact, many years ago, to report - but without contempt, and with much greater humanity - the "disappearance of fireflies," image with which he used to describe the dissolution of the humble Italy since the early 60 years, with the extinction of popular culture under the pressure of the well-being and internal migration.
Well, I mean it is half a century that "the left does not like Italians," to quote the title of the essay with which, since 1994, the historian John Belardelli (the magazine "Il Mulino") fixed the syndrome of culture the left, unable to achieve a political reason for their failures, and therefore inclined to portray Italy as a country inhabited by a majority of opportunities, criminals, or sloth. Yet now, perhaps for the first time, something is moving. Something very slowly changing. Not in the high ranks of politics, in answering parties, in the palaces of power, but among ordinary people, and among the youngest in the country's energy. Roberto Saviano, for example, the other day to Palasharp, the demonstration to demand the resignation of the prime minister, felt the need to say "stop feeling a criminal minority in a country, we are a good country for a criminal minority" . If Saviano has felt the need to exhort the people left to "stop believing" to be a minority, it means that that belief is still survives in the minds and hearts: a sort of 'few but good " an angry repetition of the "many enemies, much honor" of Mussolini's memory.
The syndrome of 'minority virtuous' is still deeply rooted in the political culture of the left. But even here, even among professional politicians, something is moving. The alibi dell'indegnità the Italians began to creak. Matteo Renzi, the mayor of Florence, criticized by some 'all his fellow party members (including the young' destruction 'Pippo Civati) met Berlusconi for having contaminated Arcore, responded to his critics more or less like this: if we do not win We can assume that the other half of Italians, those who do not vote, is made up of people stranded, we must respect them and conquer them.
Saviano and Renzi are right. Just as they are right those in the square or not square, never tire of repeating that Italy is not the one that emerges from the feasts of Arcore and interception, or what the cultural left is shown each time the vote punishes progressives. Berlusconi's Italy is not what you think in terms of costume (a recent survey by Mannheimer certify that the dream of a career in show business actually attracts only 1 woman in 100). But it is not even on the level of electoral support. Contrary to what many believe, the Berlusconi - seen as an unconditional trust against Berlusconi - has always been a marginal phenomenon. Without 100, the electorate, the vote to Berlusconi's party has never been more than 20%, and the explicit support to the leader, expressed a preference vote (as the last European), is around 6%. Not to mention the more recent trend, which shows a PDL, which attracts about 18% of the electorate, and a prime minister who gets the sufficiency from less than one in every three.
If this is the fact that the left should make a serious examination of conscience. Who tries to invent another story of the last thirty years. A story with no alibi and self-indulgence, a bit 'more respectful of the Italians and a bit' more abrasive on itself. Because if Italy is not, and never has been, morally degraded the country so often described in these years. If consensus the leader Berlusconi is not never been plebiscite. If his fans have never been so many. If Italians today 2 out of 3 do not give enough to Berlusconi, and just 1 in 20 promotes flying colors. If, despite all that, polls suggest that the citizens' opinion on the opposition is even more negative - much more negative - than the government. Well, if this is true, then it means that the political problems of Italy are not only in the behavior of the premier and his government's shortcomings, but also the difficulty of finding the opposition, finally, an idea, a program and a face that convinced that half of Italy that Berlusconi is not, but for now, does not feel to vote on the left.
Ricolfi LUCA - Press - February 15, 2011
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